Griffin & Ferreira (2006), up to section 1.3
LING 449U, How words are built
2026-09-03
Course schedule, Week 1
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Write down random six words come to your mind.
Listeners start looking at the referent before the speaker has finished saying the word. Speakers need about 900 ms to start naming a pictured object.
Which is roughly how long it took you to get going on the snail.
Tanenhaus et al. 1995; Snodgrass & Yuditsky 1996
I want you to keep on asking if any of this would easily survive in other situations?
Levelt 1989; Clark 1996
What are the ‘steps’ the chapter discusses?

Levelt 1989. Figure 1, Griffin & Ferreira 2006:22
For today: we stop at Property 8, at the end of section 1.2.
Speakers access words by meaning first, then work on the sounds.
Two kinds of evidence:
Fromkin 1971; Garrett 1975
| Error type | Example |
|---|---|
| Semantic word substitution | |
| Blend | |
| Phonological word substitution | |
| Morpheme substitution | |
| Sound substitution |
Table 1, Griffin & Ferreira 2006:24
| Error type | Example |
|---|---|
| Semantic word substitution | “give him the yel- er the pink … the green jersey” |
| Blend | “Justi:ce, Justin and Travis” |
| Phonological word substitution | “the battle for the green journey [jersey]” |
| Morpheme substitution | “an awful lot of useless information. useFUL information” |
| Sound substitution | “the raid, uh, the roadie is accepting…” |
Table 1, Griffin & Ferreira 2006:24
Which errors do you think are undercollected, and why would that matter?
Deese 1984; Fromkin 1971
Notice the fourth row. Morphemes substitute too, and they substitute separately from the stem. Hold onto that one.
Picture and word interference: Schriefers, Meyer & Levelt 1990
RED
BLUE
GREEN
PURPLE
ORANGE
CLOUD
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https://www.utkuturk.com/pwi
picture
distractor
-400 ms -200 0 +200 +400
The time you introduce the distractor directly affects which step it interferes with.
Schriefers, Meyer & Levelt 1990; Glaser & Düngelhoff 1984
Glaser & Düngelhoff 1984; Damian & Martin 1999; Starreveld 2000
Of course, we fail at selecting the ‘exact’ word.
Which raises the obvious question: what is a meaning, in these models?
Dell et al. 1997; Garrett 1975; Wells 1951/1973
Non-decompositional
BIRD is one atomic lexical concept.
Neighbours come from links in a network: BIRD to ANIMAL to FISH to fish.
Decompositional
bird = HAS WINGS, HAS FEATHERS, SINGS SONGS.
Neighbours come from shared features: airplanes have wings, opera singers sing.
Fodor 1975; Roelofs 1992; Levelt et al. 1999 (left). Dell 1986; Vigliocco et al. 2004 (right)
Figure 2, Griffin & Ferreira 2006:27. WEAVER++ (Levelt et al. 1999) left, Dell et al. (1997) right.
For us: if a morpheme carries meaning, which of these two boxes does -ed go in? Does PAST have features? (Look at Kandel & Pañeda et al. 2025)
Garrett 1975; Levelt 1989
But sometimes dog and bone do not compete. Why?
Fromkin 1971; Nooteboom 1973; Cutting & Ferreira 1999; Lupker 1979
Dell 1986; Cutting & Ferreira 1999; Harley 1993; Levelt et al. 1999; Luce 1959
Lachman 1973; Lachman, Shaffer & Hennrikus 1974
The pressure to keep the grammatical class is stronger than the pressure to keep the meaning.
This is the first place syntax enters the model, and it enters as a frame with slots: a noun slot only accepts nouns.
Fromkin 1971; Garrett 1975; Schriefers 1993; Fay & Cutler 1977
The twist: imageable words are produced faster and are more likely to be replaced by a semantically related word.
Richer meaning helps you find the word, and gives you more neighbours to trip over.
Morrison et al. 1997; De Groot 1989, 1992; Griffin & Bock 1998; Goldman-Eisler 1958
Words seem to get activated only when you intend to talk about the thing. Objects on their own do not push you into the lexicon.
Bloem & La Heij 2003; Damian & Bowers 2003
What does this suggest?
Every model routes phonology through the lemma. So if you got phonology from the ignored object, the lemma was active. And then where is the semantic interference?
Morsella & Miozzo 2002; Navarrete & Costa 2005
Reading, phonological assembly, and sentence production all have learning models. Word production does not. The authors name this as a gap.
Cave 1997; Bartram 1974; Vitkovitch & Humphreys 1991; Vigliocco et al. 2002
What is the name of that tall guy who plays in Frankenstein?
If you have it, sit on it. If you are don’t remember it, raise your hand.
Tip of the tongue. You have the word and you cannot say it.
What people can still know in a TOT state:
Anomia after brain damage looks the same: gender preserved, form gone.
Brown & McNeill 1966; Burke et al. 1991; Vigliocco, Martin & Garrett 1999
The chapter is about content words: nouns, mostly. Yet:
Even for a “single” words that are seemingly “single” nodes we need morphological information
Reading questions due 11:59pm the night before